EPL
MANU +1/2 +125 MAN CITY
NOR +1/2 +150 BRENT
NC +1/2 +140 BRI
LEEDS-LEICESTER DRAW +260
WEST HAM + ½ +120 LIV
NCAAF
VAT -2 1/2 BC
DUKE +21 PITT
FSU +3 NCST
CLEM -4 LOU
IND +20 ½ MICH
UNC -2 ½ WF
TULSA +22 ½ CIN
SCAR +20 ½ FL
MS -9 ½ LIB
TCU +7 BAY
TCU +220 BAY
COL +12 ORST
USC +8 ½ ASU
MO +39 ½ GA
NEB +15 OHST
1H ARK-MSST UNDER 28
1H TN-KY UNDER 28 ½
TX +7 IOST
TX +215 IOST
AM -4 ½ AUB
LSU +29 ALA
NFL
MIA -5 HOU
MIA -200 HOU
CAR +3 ½ NE
NE-CAR OVER 41
JAX +14 ½ BUF
BUF UNDER 31 ½
NYG +3 ½ LV
PHI +2 LAC
PHI +105 LAC
KC -7 GB
KC -240 GB
ARI-SF OVER 45
1H DEN +6 DAL
1H DEN-DAL UNDER 24 ½
1H MN +3 ½ BAL
BAL UNDER 27 ½
1H ATL +3 ½ NO
ATL-NO OVER 41
1H TN +4 ½ LAR
1H TN-LAR UNDER 27
1H CHI +3 ½ PIT
CHI-PIT OVER 38 ½
🔥 July 10, 2026 Degenerate Special 🔥
Evening slate locked with high-K arms! 🔥
Your Locked Open Bets (placed & pending):
1. 3-Leg Parlay — Odds: -137
• Chris Sale 5+ Strikeouts (-500) — ATL Braves @ STL Cardinals 8:16 PM ET
• Braxton Ashcraft 5+ Strikeouts (-410) — MIL Brewers @ PIT Pirates 8:20 PM ET
• Robbie Ray 4+ Strikeouts (-620) — COL Rockies @ SF Giants 10:16 PM ET
#MLBProps #StrikeoutBets #DegenerateMode 🤑⚾
First, four factors dictate whether there is major turnover in the Senate in a midterm election independent of the favorability of the Senate map (due to only one-third of seats being up in any given midterm). Often, as was the case in both 2018 and 2022, is that incumbents are not destined to lose seats, outside of realigning elections in unfavorable maps. This cycle's map favors the GOP, which is why the prediction markets and most forecasters expect a GOP majority in the 2027 Senate. The four factors that prove dangerous to the incumbent party are: first, a recession or cost of living crisis; second, a war; third, a major scandal; and fourth, a sense of betrayal in the voter group that backed the incumbent amongst some portion of their prior electoral coalition. Five midterms feature some combingation of those factors in some significant degree: 1930, 1946, 1958, 1974 and 2006.
Without those factors present in multiple forms, the incumbent party can expect to hold on to seats in states it previously won outside the national margin. When those factors are present, the landscape shifts dramatically. Examining those White House incumbent seats that showed a state-wide election decided by single digits in the prior decade produces the following probabilities: the incumbent White House party lost at least 67% of its incumbent held seats, as much as 85% of its incumbent held seats, and an average of 75% of its incumbent hold seats, rarely upsetting the opposition party in any seat and often losing a surprise or two in seats considered completely safe.