FYI: These are separate from the sports betting bankroll, and I see as completely independent investment pool.
https://www.predictit.org
Biden impeached by 6/30/23: YES 22% (take up to 40%)
GOP Senate Seats 52+: 33% (take up to 50%)
PA Senate GOP: 35% (take up to 50%)
PA Governor GOP: 26% (take up to 50%)
GOP House & Senate 2023: 37% (take up to 60%)
Arizona Senate GOP: 34% (take up to 50%)
Senate GOP: 39% (take up to 50%)
House GOP: 75% (take up to 90%)
New Hampshire Senate GOP: 17% (take up to 33%)
GOP Governors 30+: 28% (take up to 50%)
Nevada Senate GOP: 50% (take up to 65%)
Michigan Governor GOP: 17% (take up to 50%)
Ohio Senate GOP: 75% (take up to 95%)
Georgia Senate GOP: 48% (take up to 70%)
North Carolina Senate GOP: 70% (take up to 80%)
Wisconsin Senate GOP: 62% (take up to 80%)
Utah Senate GOP: 87% (take up to 97%)
Washington Senate GOP: 8% (take up to 25%)
Florida Governor GOP: 90% (take up to 95%)
Georgia Governor GOP: 82% (take up to 90%)
Arizona Governor GOP: 60% (take up to 75%)
Kansas Governor GOP: 56% (take up to 75%)
Wisconsin Governor GOP: 46% (take up to 60%)
Maine Governor GOP: 23% (take up to 40%)
Nevada Governor GOP: 44% (take up to 60%)
Putin President on 1/1/23: 85% (take up to 95%)
First, four factors dictate whether there is major turnover in the Senate in a midterm election independent of the favorability of the Senate map (due to only one-third of seats being up in any given midterm). Often, as was the case in both 2018 and 2022, is that incumbents are not destined to lose seats, outside of realigning elections in unfavorable maps. This cycle's map favors the GOP, which is why the prediction markets and most forecasters expect a GOP majority in the 2027 Senate. The four factors that prove dangerous to the incumbent party are: first, a recession or cost of living crisis; second, a war; third, a major scandal; and fourth, a sense of betrayal in the voter group that backed the incumbent amongst some portion of their prior electoral coalition. Five midterms feature some combingation of those factors in some significant degree: 1930, 1946, 1958, 1974 and 2006.
Without those factors present in multiple forms, the incumbent party can expect to hold on to seats in states it previously won outside the national margin. When those factors are present, the landscape shifts dramatically. Examining those White House incumbent seats that showed a state-wide election decided by single digits in the prior decade produces the following probabilities: the incumbent White House party lost at least 67% of its incumbent held seats, as much as 85% of its incumbent held seats, and an average of 75% of its incumbent hold seats, rarely upsetting the opposition party in any seat and often losing a surprise or two in seats considered completely safe.