These are not Sportspicks "Recommended Picks"
Game of the Night
North Carolina (20-12) vs #13 Virginia (23-6)
Location: Greensboro Coliseum - Greensboro, North Carolina
Tip-Off: 7:00 PM EST
Line: Virginia -2 | O/U = 129.5
Tale of the Tape
North Carolina | Virginia
FGA - 60.7 pg | 53.6 pg
FG% - 43.2% | 45.0%
% FGA in Paint - 34.2% | 37.6%
2P% - 50.5% | 50.2%
3P% - 30.9% | 35.9%
FTA - 22.9 pg | 18.5 pg
FT% - 74.3% | 70.0%
EFG% - 49.4% | 51.5%
DReb% - 76.5% | 75.0%
OReb% - 30.5% | 25.8%
TO's - 10.9 pg | 8.6 pg
Fouls - 17.0 pg | 14.0 pg
Adj Off Eff - 112.6 (58) | 111.4 (73)
Adj Def Eff - 97.5 (43) | 95.9 (31)
PPG - 76.5 | 68.2
PAG - 71.3 | 60.5
Overview
Match-Up
As previously mentioned, North Carolina came into this season with as high of expectations as ANYONE in the country. With almost every player returning from the team that made a run to last season's National Championship Game, it seemed life was good in Chapel Hill entering the 2022-23 campaign. However, the Tar Heels have vastly underperformed those preseason aspirations, and find themselves on the outside of the "Bubble" coming into "Championship Week". HC Hubert Davis, has as much talent and experience as ANYONE in the country in terms of his "Starting 5". Carolina has five guy's that average playing 30+ minutes a game. Senior's Armando Bacot (16.3 ppg , 10.7 rpg , 1.1 bpg) and Pete Nance (10.1 ppg , 5.9 rpg , 1.1 bpg) are FORCES in the paint, but both have dealt with some nagging injuries of late, especially Bacot. Fellow Senior Leaky Black (7.3 ppg , 6.4 rpg , 1.3 spg) is the ultimate "Utility" guy, and can take over a game on both ends of the floor. Coach Davis' starting back-court is rivaled by few in College Basketball. Junior Guard's Caleb Love (16.8 ppg , 2.8 apg , 1.1 spg) and R.J. Davis (15.9 ppg , 5.1 rpg , 3.3 apg , 1.1 spg) are the glue that holds this Tar Heel's squad together. When these two dudes are on the same page, and playing off of each other, Carolina can play with anyone. However, IF one of the two struggles, it's usually reflected in the W/L column. As good as the top 5 guy's are in this bunch, UNC has really struggled to get much production at all from their bench. Junior Forward Puff Johnson (4.1 ppg , 2.6 rpg) averages nearly 16 minutes a game off the bench, and provides the majority of that production. After those 6 guy's, it's pretty "Slim Pickin's" for Coach Davis in terms of productivity. If any of these STUDS come out of a game for any reason, this team takes a MAJOR step back!!
Virginia has, quietly, been a Top-15 team basically all season. They would be the #1 seed in the ACC Tourney, if not for a couple late-season setbacks that forced them to share the regular season title with Miami. The Cavalier's were forced to settle for the #2 seed, but still come into this one winners of 6 of their last 8 contests. Coach Tony Bennett doesn't have a pure "Superstar" throughout his entire squad, but has several "Role Players" who run his system to perfection. Bennett's teams have always been heralded for their defense and overall efficiency in that area, however, lack of production on the offensive end has plagued his teams in the past(cough cough... UMBC). Much like the Tar Heels, Virginia is a very veteran-laden group. Senior's Armaan Franklin (12.6 ppg , 4.2 rpg , 38.7 3P%) and Jayden Gardner (11.8 ppg , 5.5 rpg), lead the Cavalier's in scoring and are the proven leaders in this bunch. Fellow Senior Kihei Clark (11.1 ppg , 5.7 apg , 1.1 spg) has played A LOT of basketball for HC Bennett, and has earned the right as his trusted "Floor General". Junior Guard Reece Beekman (9.3 ppg , 5.3 apg , 1.6 spg) is another KEY piece, and he shoots 38.2% from long-range. Virginia has a more experienced bench than Carolina, and have 7 to 8 different guy's that they can get some production from on any given night. The Cavalier's have the defensive scheme and personnel to give any offense trouble. However, if they run into a team having a strong shooting night, they may not have the offensive firepower to win a shootout.
Prediction
My Pick: North Carolina +2
Final Score: North Carolina 68 Virginia 65
ACC
Quarterfinals:
My Pick: Miami FL
My Pick: Duke
My Pick: North Carolina
My Pick: NC State
Semi-Finals:
My Pick: Miami FL
My Pick: North Carolina
Finals:
My Pick: ACC Champion = Miami FL
Big East
Quarterfinals:
My Pick: Marquette
My Pick: UConn
My Pick: Xavier
My Pick: Creighton
Semi-Finals:
My Pick: UConn
My Pick: Creighton
Finals:
My Pick: Big East Champion = UConn
Big 10
2nd Round:
My Pick: Rutgers
My Pick: Iowa
My Pick: Penn State
My Pick: Maryland
Quarterfinals:
My Pick: Rutgers
My Pick: Iowa
My Pick: Penn State
My Pick: Indiana
Semi-Finals:
My Pick: Iowa
My Pick: Penn State
Finals:
My Pick: Big 10 Champion = Iowa
Big 12
Quarterfinals:
My Pick: Baylor
My Pick: Kansas
My Pick: Texas
My Pick: TCU
Semi-Finals:
My Pick: Kansas
My Pick: Texas
Finals:
My Pick: Big 12 Champion = Texas
Pac 12
Quarterfinals:
My Pick: UCLA
My Pick: Oregon
My Pick: Arizona
My Pick: Arizona State
Semi-Finals:
My Pick: UCLA
My Pick: Arizona
Finals:
My Pick: Pac 12 Champion = Arizona
SEC
2nd Round:
My Pick: Mississippi State
My Pick: Tennessee
My Pick: Auburn
My Pick: LSU
Quarterfinals:
My Pick: Alabama
My Pick: Tennessee
My Pick: Auburn
My Pick: Kentucky
Semi-Finals:
My Pick: Alabama
My Pick: Kentucky
Finals:
My Pick: SEC Champion = Kentucky
Enjoy the MADNESS and Good Luck!!!!
-Crickett
Two conflicting trends dictate the Senate outcome in 2026. The map heavily favors Republicans, as the competitive Senate seats up lean heavily Republican. By contrast, the election context heavily favors Democrats, with war, recession, realignment and scandal tipping in their direction. A deeper dive reveals why prediction markets still likely undersell Democratic prospects.
First, the idea that Senate midterms favor the party out of power in the White House is belied by both recent and a century of history of Senate elections. Unlike the House, only a third of Senate seats face election in any midterm, and that map dictates outcomes unless the election context is particularly bad for the incumbent party.
Consider that the highly unpopular Biden didn’t lost any net Senate seats in 2022 and Trump added Senate seats in the Democratic friendly cycle in 2018. Equally, Clinton didn’t lose net Senate seats in 1998 nor did W. in 2002. Even low-approval election cycles like 1966 and 1982 didn’t produce a big swing in the Senate. Indeed, since 1934, the party in power only lost 10% or more of their Senate seats (4+) less than half of the time. Democrats need a flip of exactly that — at least 4 Senate seats — to retake power in the Senate.
Then take a look at the map, and you can see the reason for optimism in GOP circles and some traders in the prediction markets. Only 2 GOP-held seats are in states Trump won by less than double digits, while 2 Democratic-held seats are in states Trump won, and one of those GOP held seats features a long-time incumbent who typically runs double-digits ahead of the GOP norm (Collins in Maine). This is why the GOP entered the year believing odds of losing the Senate were remote, and the prediction markets mostly concurred.
But this ignores the counter-trend: the degree of election dismay with the incumbent party in the White House, and the reasons for that dismay. Presidential job approval has not been a neat proxy for Senate midterms because it depends on the reason for that dissatisfaction in the electorate. Four factors drive Senatorial midterms: war, recession/cost of living, realignment, and scandal. When two of those four factors are not present and don’t dominate, then the incumbent party’s odds of losing 4+ Senate seats drops to less than 20%. By contrast, when two of those four factors are present and do predominate, then the odds of the incumbent party losing 4+ Senate seats rises to 100%. Indeed, the median number of Senate seats lost when some combination of war, recession, realignment and scandal, are present, the White House party loses at least 8 Senate seats.
A few examples: while FDR added Senate seats in 1934 midterms, he lost 9 in 1938 midterms due to the combination of recession and scandal (trying to stack SCOTUS). 1942 and 1946 gave us war and recession to cost Democrats 8 and 12 Senate seats alike. 1950 gave us war again and scandals concerning the war costing Democrats 5 Senate seats. 1958 gave us recession and scandal, costing Ike 15 Senate seats. While JFK added Senate seats in 1962 and Nixon added Senate seats in 1970, only Watergate and stagflation in 1974 or the combination of Iran Contra and vulnerable class of 1980 incumbents cost the incumbent party 4 or more Senate seats until the realignment election of 1994, where evangelicals shifted their down-ballot voting to the GOP en masse. It took war and scandal in 2006 to see the Senate switch 4+ Senate seats again.
That’s the story of 2026: a very GOP favorable Senate map versus a very Democratic friendly election cycle. The GOP enters election season with all four factor present: war, recession/cost of living, realignment, and scandal. The Iran War was already deeply unpopular, and it’s impact on the economy in gas and diesel prices turns Americans sour on their current economic prospects, as wages fall behind, housing and health care feel increasingly unaffordable, labor force participation continues to drop, the the mirage of AI keeps the GDP just above a technical recession. The Epstein scandal remains one of the worst scandals in American political history, and Trump managed to associate himself deeply with the scandal in his handling of it. Then the realignment, as the new Trump 2024 voters joined the Obama-Trump converts of 2016 in abandoning GOP identity, already evident in surveys and primary participation.
A quintet of voter groups appear to be realigning away from the Republican brand — hispanic voters, black voters, industrial area voters, libertarian-leaning voters, and war-skeptical voters alike. This realigning electorate shows up disproportionately in key Senate contests. The war-skeptical voters in states like Maine, New Hampshire, Ohio, Michigan, Iowa, Montana, Nebraska, and Alaska (these are the states W failed to gain in between 2000 and 2004 due to the Iraq War before it even turned unpopular). The hispanic voters in states like Florida and Texas. The African-American voters in states like North Carolina and Georgia. The industrial voters in Ohio and Michigan. The libertarian leaving voters in states like New Hampshire, Alaska, Texas and Florida.
Thus, many of the states that seem “Safe” on the map are anything but, as their realigning electorates shift back against the Republican brand, with all of them having recent histories in electoral cycles of favoring Democrats or being true swing states. Take states like Florida and Texas where suburban margins began to erode for the GOP in the Trump era but countered that by massive margin shifts in hispanic and black precincts. Primary participation, voter identification, and public opinion surveys show those black and hispanic voters shifting back massively away from the GOP brand, which, given the erosion in some suburban areas and losses with younger generations, makes states Florida and Texas closer to competitive than double-digit leans.
In big swing election cycles, even “safe” Senate seats can suddenly turn razor close, as Bob Dole found out in 1974, barely holding on to his Kansas seat before being the VP nominee two years later. Strong independent candidates in Kansas, Nebraska, South Dakota and Montana may pose a unique threat to GOP held seats, as the Nebraska race in 2024 showed, with Osborn running 17 points ahead of Harris’ margin in the state. Democrats field the much better candidate in Ohio with a proven track record of out-performing Democratic margins in the state, while the Texas GOP nominee faces abandonment from his own party after they spent over $100M bashing him in the state for a disliked party incumbent. Alaska primary results suggest the Democratic nominee already holds the edge in that ranked choice voting state, while the famed cross-over support for Collins in Maine appears to be fading with newer generations taking over the voter rolls. My current map would be as follows, with surprising closer-than-expected races in Montana, Kansas, Louisiana, Florida, Mississippi, South Dakota, South Carolina and Kentucky, and a median map of Democrats holding 53+ Senate seats after the 2026 elections.

If past is prologue, the map won’t save the GOP in 2026, and an ever bigger tsunami may be incoming than anyone in Washington expects.