Answering all questions at a new time: 9ish eastern...
World Cup - My Futures Picks
1-2.5% Over x.5 Penalty Shootouts (good to over 7.5 at 50c/+100)
0.5-1% Over x.5 Games go to Extra Time (good to over 10.5 at 50c/+100)
1% Winning Continent South America at 22c (good to at 30c)
1% Brazil to Win the World Cup at 8.2c (good to 15c)
0.5% Japan to Win the World Cup at 1.9c (good to 4c)
In four days the World Cup will begin, hosted jointly by the USA, Canada and Mexico. This will be the first world cup in the expanded 48 team format, with a group stage having 12 groups of 4, the top two advancing to the last 32 along with the 8 best third placed teams as ranked by points and goal difference. The European Championship has a similar format but with 24 four teams advancing to the last 16 while the World Cup had 24 teams between 1982 and 1994, with the best third placed teams format starting in 1986. Incidentally, the last time the World Cup had the best third place teams progress from the group stages was when the USA hosted the competition in 1994.
Although 32 years ...
First, four factors dictate whether there is major turnover in the Senate in a midterm election independent of the favorability of the Senate map (due to only one-third of seats being up in any given midterm). Often, as was the case in both 2018 and 2022, is that incumbents are not destined to lose seats, outside of realigning elections in unfavorable maps. This cycle's map favors the GOP, which is why the prediction markets and most forecasters expect a GOP majority in the 2027 Senate. The four factors that prove dangerous to the incumbent party are: first, a recession or cost of living crisis; second, a war; third, a major scandal; and fourth, a sense of betrayal in the voter group that backed the incumbent amongst some portion of their prior electoral coalition. Five midterms feature some combingation of those factors in some significant degree: 1930, 1946, 1958, 1974 and 2006.
Without those factors present in multiple forms, the incumbent party can expect to hold on to seats in states it previously won outside the national margin. When those factors are present, the landscape shifts dramatically. Examining those White House incumbent seats that showed a state-wide election decided by single digits in the prior decade produces the following probabilities: the incumbent White House party lost at least 67% of its incumbent held seats, as much as 85% of its incumbent held seats, and an average of 75% of its incumbent hold seats, rarely upsetting the opposition party in any seat and often losing a surprise or two in seats considered completely safe.