MLB F5 MLB System Kalshi
I took the day off on Sunday to regroup and enjoy the 250 UFC match. My AI driven system produced 6 S plays. S plays are “Slam” plays. Slam plays went 4-0 on the early games.
MLB F5 Edge Scanner v10.0 – Ranked Plays
June 15, 2026
Ranked by Diff + Model Confidence
1. PHI F5 (Zack Wheeler) – Diff 6.6 | S-Tier 🔥 Strongest edge on the slate. Elite ace vs weak small-sample arm.
2. WSH F5 (Andrew Alvarez) – Diff 4.8 | S-Tier Very strong separation. Spence has almost no 2026 track record.
3. CIN F5 (Chase Burns) – Diff 3.9 | S-Tier Excellent young arm in good form. One of the highest-scoring starters today.
4. TB F5 (Nick Martinez) – Diff 3.9 | S-Tier Martinez ranks as the #3 pitcher overall on the entire slate. Strong veteran resurgence year.
5. CHC F5 (Shota Imanaga) – Diff 3.7 | S-Tier Solid edge vs a struggling Lorenzen.
6. LAA F5 (Walbert Ureña) – Diff 3.2 | S-Tier
Ureña has been one of the better performers in a weaker sample.
All 6 are S-Tier with 70%+ projected F5 win probability.
First, four factors dictate whether there is major turnover in the Senate in a midterm election independent of the favorability of the Senate map (due to only one-third of seats being up in any given midterm). Often, as was the case in both 2018 and 2022, is that incumbents are not destined to lose seats, outside of realigning elections in unfavorable maps. This cycle's map favors the GOP, which is why the prediction markets and most forecasters expect a GOP majority in the 2027 Senate. The four factors that prove dangerous to the incumbent party are: first, a recession or cost of living crisis; second, a war; third, a major scandal; and fourth, a sense of betrayal in the voter group that backed the incumbent amongst some portion of their prior electoral coalition. Five midterms feature some combingation of those factors in some significant degree: 1930, 1946, 1958, 1974 and 2006.
Without those factors present in multiple forms, the incumbent party can expect to hold on to seats in states it previously won outside the national margin. When those factors are present, the landscape shifts dramatically. Examining those White House incumbent seats that showed a state-wide election decided by single digits in the prior decade produces the following probabilities: the incumbent White House party lost at least 67% of its incumbent held seats, as much as 85% of its incumbent held seats, and an average of 75% of its incumbent hold seats, rarely upsetting the opposition party in any seat and often losing a surprise or two in seats considered completely safe.