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Barnes Betting Report: Deep Dive, College Football Playoffs, Rose Bowl, Alabama vs. Michigan
December 14, 2023
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Deep Dive: Alabama-Michigan Playoff, Rose Bowl, January 1, 2024

  • Predictive Role of Talent in the BCS. A team in a title-deciding post-season game with more than 20 NFL players on their roster has never lost to a team with less than 20 NFL players on their roster in modern college football history. Excluding Saban teams, the team with a definite big talent edge in the BCS era (such as a 10+ edge in recruiting rankings) is 10-0 straight up and 10-0 against the spread, with every victory by double digits and an average margin of victory of 21 points. Saban’s teams with a big talent edge in the BCS era is a perfect 7-0, and 6-1 against the spread, with every victory by double digits and an average margin of victory of 18 points.
  • Predictive Role of YPP in the BCS. More predictive has been performance against similarly ranked offenses and defenses than overall season numbers which can be inflated. That said, only 1 offense outside the top 35 has won the title, and that was Alabama’s run-heavy Derek Henry led offense in 2015. Michigan’s offense is currently ranked 43rd in yards per play. Equally, only 1 team won a national title without a top-30 defense in yards per play, the 2010 Auburn squad, whose 3rd ranked offense and favorable BCS matchups won the title, as title-game opponent Oregon also featured a defense outside the top 30. A team with top-30 rankings in both offense and defense against a team without those rankings in BCS play was undefeated until Michigan lost to TCU last year, 12-1 straight up and against the spread in the semi-final round.
  • Talent. Alabama, consensus #1 ranked team in recruited talent, features 50 NFL prospects according to consensus recruiting rankings, including 7 offensive lineman, 3-deep at QB, 5-deep at running back, 8-deep at wideout, 8-deep on defensive line, 12-deep at linebackers, and 7-deep at defensive back. Michigan, consensus 14th ranked team in recruited talent, features 15 NFL prospects on the roster, including QB, 3-deep at running back, 2 wideouts, 4 offensive lineman (1 who is hurt and out), 4 linebackers, and 2 defensive backs. According to PFF grades and mock draft boards, Alabama features a half-dozen consensus top-50 NFL draft prospects, and Michigan none. Michigan’s best NFL prospects (aside from an injured offensive lineman) are QB McCarthy, RB Corum, TE Barner, LB Colson, LB Barrett, and DB Johnson. Alabama’s best NFL prospects include QB Milroe, WR Burton, WR Bond, OL Latham, OL Roberts, OL Booker, OL Proctor, RB McClellan, RB Williams, DL/LB Turner, DL/LB Braswell, DL/LB Eboigbe, LB Campbell, CB McKinstry, CB Arnold, CB Amos, DB Moore & DB Downs. Alabama triples Michigan’s talent level at each level, and is better at every position room.

Season Comparisons

Yard Per Play

Michigan Offense: 6.1, 43rd

Michigan Defense: 4.3, 4th

Alabama Offense: 6.4, 30th

Alabama Defense: 4.9, 18th

  • Michigan’s offense finished outside the top-40 offensively, around 6.1 yards per play, averaging 4.7 yards per play against top-20 defenses. Alabama’s offense finished in the top-30, despite facing much better defenses across the season, with a 6.4 yard per play average, and only dropped slightly to 5.8 yards per play against top defenses. Michigan’s defense finished in the top-5, though it feasted on poor offenses, facing only 1 offense in the top-40 all season, to whom it gave up their season average of 6.5 yards per play. Alabama’s defense finished in the top-20, giving up 4.9 yards per play, despite facing many top-30 offenses, to whom it gave up 5.7 yards per play, almost a yard below those team’s season average. A yard per play projection of Michigan’s season would project a yard per play deficit of 2 yards per play, or 20 points. A yard per play projection of Alabama’s season would project a yard per play edge of 1 yard per play, or 10 points.
  • Michigan’s Season. Many computer-driven power ratings, which struggle with inter-conference comparisons and to measure the ability to scale, will have Michigan favored over Alabama, and this will drive the Vegas spread in favor of Michigan, despite knowing the public will bet heavy Alabama. Michigan only faced one more talented team this season: Ohio State at home, the only top-50 offense they faced all season. Michigan gave up 6.5 yards per play to the Buckeyes in Ann Arbor, allowing Ohio State 100% of their season average. Michigan faced 4 top-20 defenses, including Penn State, Iowa, Ohio State, and Maryland. Michigan’s yards-per-play in those 4 matches were 5.3, 4.3, 5.6, and 3.3 yards per play, for an average of 4.7 yards per play.
  • Michigan’s History under Harbaugh: Of note, both poor performances against top-20 offenses or defenses fit Michigan’s patterns offensively and defensively under Harbaugh when he scales up in competition. Under Harbaugh, Michigan faced 25 top-20 defenses; his offenses never exceeded 5.6 yards per play in any of those matches, averaging the same 4.7 yards per play his offense averaged this season. Equally, Harbaugh’s defenses struggle to scale up, as his defenses faced 15 top-30 offenses in his tenure, and those offenses bested 5.6 yards per play in every single matchup, averaging 6.7 yards per play, almost identical to what they gave up to the only top-50 offense they faced this year, in what was considered a down year for the Buckeye offense (so much so, the QB entered the transfer portal already). Michigan scales down very well; it scales up very poorly. (In this regard, it’s much like Oregon’s 2023 team, another team Vegas’ power ratings badly misread in the post-season). Michigan away from home against a more talented team is 1-6 under Harbaugh, with a median loss margin of 21 points, including bad losses to more talented SEC teams in post-season play, such as a 19-point loss to Alabama, a 26-point loss to Florida, and a 23-point loss to Georgia. Harbaugh at Michigan with extra time to prepare against a top-20 foe is 0-8 straight up and ATS, including two losses to Saban’s Bama squads by margins of 19 and 27.
  • Alabama’s Season: Alabama faced 4 top-30 defenses, including Georgia, Texas A&M, Tennessee, and Texas. Of note, 3 of the 4 featured more defensive talent than Michigan, and Tennessee’s defensive talent is closer than most would realize. Alabama exceeded 5.6 yards per play in 3 of the 4 matchups, averaging 5.8 yards per play. Alabama faced5 top-30 offenses, 3 of whom feature more recruited talent than Michigan, and two are quite comparable, in LSU, Texas, Georgia, Tennessee & Ole Miss. Alabama’ defense gave up 5.8, 5.4, 5.7, 7.3, and 4.8 yards per play, for an average of 5.7 yards per play.
  • Alabama’s History under Saban: Excluding the Sarkisian offenses, this fits the pattern of Saban’s teams at Alabama offensively, which average 6.4 yards per play historically. Last year, Alabama’s offenses also averaged 5.7 yards per play against top-30 defenses. Of note, against other top-20 defenses historically, Alabama averaged a comparable 5.6 yards per play offensively, excluding the explosive Sarkisian offenses. Against highly ranked non-conference less-talented defenses in 14 matchups under Saban excluding the Sarkisian offenses, Alabama averaged over 7 yards per play, including dominating offensive performances against highly ranked Big 10 defenses.  Saban’s Bama record against the Big Ten and Notre Dame, excluding equally talented Buckeye squads, is 9-0, with the closest margin 16 points, and the median margin of victory 21 points. Saban against a lesser talented top-20 ranked foe, with more than 2 weeks to prepare (excluding bowl games with major opt-outs), is 23-0, with every win by double digits, and a median margin of victory of 21.
  • Matchups. With points out of the passing game in modern high-end college football, we'll focus on that. Alabama’s 4th ranked passing offense from a yard-per-play perspective goes against a defense that only faced 1 passing offense in the top 50 all season using that same metric, Ohio State. Ohio State had the same yards per play passing against Michigan in Ann Arbor that was their season average, 9.0 yards per play. Alabama faced 2 top-30 pass defenses, Georgia and Texas, and averaged 8.8 yards per attempt in those matchups. Michigan’s 14th ranked yard per play passing offense will be the 6th top-35 passing offense it faced this year; Alabama gave up 8 yards per attempt in those matchups. Against top-30 pass defenses, Michigan averaged 7.5 yards per pass attempt.  Both teams feature good run offense and run defenses. Michigan faced 4 good run defenses, Penn State, Iowa, Ohio State and Maryland, averaging 3.5 yards per rush. Alabama equally faced four top-30 run defenses in Texas, Tennessee, Texas A&M, and Kentucky, averaging only 3 yards per rush. Bama squared off against six good run offenses in LSU, Tennessee, Georgia, Auburn, Kentucky, and Texas, conceding less than a 3 yards per rush. Michigan faced no run offenses in the top-40 in the country, with the closest being Penn State which managed 164 yards rushing on 4.7 yards per rush, as even QB Allar rushed for positive yards, a worrisome indicator for Wolverine backers against good runner QB Milroe. In terms of individual matchups, Alabama holds the edge at every single positional matchup as Milroe and McCarthy are comparble, Corum and Bama's backs are comparable, and Wilson and Burton are close, but the defenses are not, giving Bama a decisive individual matchup edge when comparing the two teams as units. This shows up in the comparable yards per play against comparable foes, where Alabama holds the edge up to 10 to 20 points over the course of a typical game. Whether the game will be typical is yet to be determined. 
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Barnes Betting Report: Monday Night Football
Chiefs-Broncos
 
REB Power Ratings
CHIEFS: 7 points better than average
BRONCOS 3 points better than average
Home edge for KC: +2.5
REB Spread: Chiefs by 6.5
REB Moneyline: Chiefs 67%
REB Total: 41
PFF Talent: Favors Chiefs on both sides of the ball
 
Situational Analysis
Coaching: Reid is one of the best ever as is Spags, whereas Payton gives up playcalling for the Broncos and Joseph has had some erratic spots in his career. 
Key Market Trends: Chiefs as 3 points or less: 70% cover rate; Reid has a 65% success rate against the spread in week 1; Nix average QB rating on road is 85 while Mahomes exceeds 100 at home; Denver’s offense against top-5 defenses on the road scores a median of 17 points while Chiefs offense under Mahomes is 27. Public tickets favor the Broncos by a 2 to 1 margin. 
 
Talent according to PFF
Players I expect to have 70+ ratings this season, using PFF's past season grades and match for scheme...
 
Chiefs Defense
CB SNEED
CB WILLIAMS
S ROLAND-WALLACE
S GILMAN
LB TRANQUILL 
LB BOLTON
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DE KARLAFTIS
DT JONES
 
Broncos Offense
LT BOLLES
RG MEINERZ
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Chiefs Offense
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G SMITH
WR WORTHY
WR RICE
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QB MAHOMES
TE KELCE
 
Broncos Defense
S HUFANGA
CB SURTAIN
DE BONITTO
DT JONES
DE ELLISS
 

 

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Forecasting the Senate in 2026

Two conflicting trends dictate the Senate outcome in 2026. The map heavily favors Republicans, as the competitive Senate seats up lean heavily Republican. By contrast, the election context heavily favors Democrats, with war, recession, realignment and scandal tipping in their direction. A deeper dive reveals why prediction markets still likely undersell Democratic prospects.

First, the idea that Senate midterms favor the party out of power in the White House is belied by both recent and a century of history of Senate elections. Unlike the House, only a third of Senate seats face election in any midterm, and that map dictates outcomes unless the election context is particularly bad for the incumbent party.

Consider that the highly unpopular Biden didn’t lost any net Senate seats in 2022 and Trump added Senate seats in the Democratic friendly cycle in 2018. Equally, Clinton didn’t lose net Senate seats in 1998 nor did W. in 2002. Even low-approval election cycles like 1966 and 1982 didn’t produce a big swing in the Senate. Indeed, since 1934, the party in power only lost 10% or more of their Senate seats (4+) less than half of the time. Democrats need a flip of exactly that — at least 4 Senate seats — to retake power in the Senate.

Then take a look at the map, and you can see the reason for optimism in GOP circles and some traders in the prediction markets. Only 2 GOP-held seats are in states Trump won by less than double digits, while 2 Democratic-held seats are in states Trump won, and one of those GOP held seats features a long-time incumbent who typically runs double-digits ahead of the GOP norm (Collins in Maine). This is why the GOP entered the year believing odds of losing the Senate were remote, and the prediction markets mostly concurred.

But this ignores the counter-trend: the degree of election dismay with the incumbent party in the White House, and the reasons for that dismay. Presidential job approval has not been a neat proxy for Senate midterms because it depends on the reason for that dissatisfaction in the electorate. Four factors drive Senatorial midterms: war, recession/cost of living, realignment, and scandal. When two of those four factors are not present and don’t dominate, then the incumbent party’s odds of losing 4+ Senate seats drops to less than 20%. By contrast, when two of those four factors are present and do predominate, then the odds of the incumbent party losing 4+ Senate seats rises to 100%. Indeed, the median number of Senate seats lost when some combination of war, recession, realignment and scandal, are present, the White House party loses at least 8 Senate seats.

A few examples: while FDR added Senate seats in 1934 midterms, he lost 9 in 1938 midterms due to the combination of recession and scandal (trying to stack SCOTUS). 1942 and 1946 gave us war and recession to cost Democrats 8 and 12 Senate seats alike. 1950 gave us war again and scandals concerning the war costing Democrats 5 Senate seats. 1958 gave us recession and scandal, costing Ike 15 Senate seats. While JFK added Senate seats in 1962 and Nixon added Senate seats in 1970, only Watergate and stagflation in 1974 or the combination of Iran Contra and vulnerable class of 1980 incumbents cost the incumbent party 4 or more Senate seats until the realignment election of 1994, where evangelicals shifted their down-ballot voting to the GOP en masse. It took war and scandal in 2006 to see the Senate switch 4+ Senate seats again.

That’s the story of 2026: a very GOP favorable Senate map versus a very Democratic friendly election cycle. The GOP enters election season with all four factor present: war, recession/cost of living, realignment, and scandal. The Iran War was already deeply unpopular, and it’s impact on the economy in gas and diesel prices turns Americans sour on their current economic prospects, as wages fall behind, housing and health care feel increasingly unaffordable, labor force participation continues to drop, the the mirage of AI keeps the GDP just above a technical recession. The Epstein scandal remains one of the worst scandals in American political history, and Trump managed to associate himself deeply with the scandal in his handling of it. Then the realignment, as the new Trump 2024 voters joined the Obama-Trump converts of 2016 in abandoning GOP identity, already evident in surveys and primary participation.

A quintet of voter groups appear to be realigning away from the Republican brand — hispanic voters, black voters, industrial area voters, libertarian-leaning voters, and war-skeptical voters alike. This realigning electorate shows up disproportionately in key Senate contests. The war-skeptical voters in states like Maine, New Hampshire, Ohio, Michigan, Iowa, Montana, Nebraska, and Alaska (these are the states W failed to gain in between 2000 and 2004 due to the Iraq War before it even turned unpopular). The hispanic voters in states like Florida and Texas. The African-American voters in states like North Carolina and Georgia. The industrial voters in Ohio and Michigan. The libertarian leaving voters in states like New Hampshire, Alaska, Texas and Florida.

Thus, many of the states that seem “Safe” on the map are anything but, as their realigning electorates shift back against the Republican brand, with all of them having recent histories in electoral cycles of favoring Democrats or being true swing states. Take states like Florida and Texas where suburban margins began to erode for the GOP in the Trump era but countered that by massive margin shifts in hispanic and black precincts. Primary participation, voter identification, and public opinion surveys show those black and hispanic voters shifting back massively away from the GOP brand, which, given the erosion in some suburban areas and losses with younger generations, makes states Florida and Texas closer to competitive than double-digit leans.

In big swing election cycles, even “safe” Senate seats can suddenly turn razor close, as Bob Dole found out in 1974, barely holding on to his Kansas seat before being the VP nominee two years later. Strong independent candidates in Kansas, Nebraska, South Dakota and Montana may pose a unique threat to GOP held seats, as the Nebraska race in 2024 showed, with Osborn running 17 points ahead of Harris’ margin in the state. Democrats field the much better candidate in Ohio with a proven track record of out-performing Democratic margins in the state, while the Texas GOP nominee faces abandonment from his own party after they spent over $100M bashing him in the state for a disliked party incumbent. Alaska primary results suggest the Democratic nominee already holds the edge in that ranked choice voting state, while the famed cross-over support for Collins in Maine appears to be fading with newer generations taking over the voter rolls. My current map would be as follows, with surprising closer-than-expected races in Montana, Kansas, Louisiana, Florida, Mississippi, South Dakota, South Carolina and Kentucky, and a median map of Democrats holding 53+ Senate seats after the 2026 elections.


 

If past is prologue, the map won’t save the GOP in 2026, and an ever bigger tsunami may be incoming than anyone in Washington expects.

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OFFICIAL PICKS: Midterms, 2026
House Elections Projections
 
The House tends to be more responsive to midterm dynamics, but, like the Senate, swings hard in elections where some combination of the Four Factors are present -- cost of living crisis or recession; war; major scandal; betrayal or down-ballot realignment. A fun map to use is this simulator, which takes partisan averages from existing models, and plugs in the map based on your adjustment of the generic ballot edge for one party or another. https://globalelectionsimulator.com/#/usa-house
 
Historic Norms: When a combination of the Four Factors are present, this is the kind of swing you get:
1930: 52 seat swing
1946: 55 seat swing
1958: 49 seat swing
1974: 49 seat swing
1994: 54 seat swing
2006: 31 seat swing
 
2026 PROJECTIONS

 

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