Explanation as to why Kansas City, MO became such a major World Cup city. FIFA’s crazy rules have a lot to do with it.
World Cup Semi Final France vs Spain - My Picks
1% France not to win in 90 minutes vs Spain at 62c (good to 65c)
1% Under 2.5 total goals at 49c (good to 55c)
(Optional) 0.5% Match to go to penalties at 16c (good to 20c)
We are down to the last four of the World Cup and the first semi final starts with the two most favoured teams to win the tournament. France have been on fire throughout the tournament, scoring goals and creating chances for fun with a team having world class talent all over the pitch. Spain meanwhile started slow in the group stages but have shown an ability to grind out games without giving up many opportunities. The goal they conceded against Belgium was the first they've conceded all tournament.
World Cup semi finals are where the stakes get quite high, so teams approach them very tactically, trying to shore up their own weaknesses while planning to exploit those of their opponents. Against peer opponents, this generally doesn't make for goalfests. Both teams ...
First, four factors dictate whether there is major turnover in the Senate in a midterm election independent of the favorability of the Senate map (due to only one-third of seats being up in any given midterm). Often, as was the case in both 2018 and 2022, is that incumbents are not destined to lose seats, outside of realigning elections in unfavorable maps. This cycle's map favors the GOP, which is why the prediction markets and most forecasters expect a GOP majority in the 2027 Senate. The four factors that prove dangerous to the incumbent party are: first, a recession or cost of living crisis; second, a war; third, a major scandal; and fourth, a sense of betrayal in the voter group that backed the incumbent amongst some portion of their prior electoral coalition. Five midterms feature some combingation of those factors in some significant degree: 1930, 1946, 1958, 1974 and 2006.
Without those factors present in multiple forms, the incumbent party can expect to hold on to seats in states it previously won outside the national margin. When those factors are present, the landscape shifts dramatically. Examining those White House incumbent seats that showed a state-wide election decided by single digits in the prior decade produces the following probabilities: the incumbent White House party lost at least 67% of its incumbent held seats, as much as 85% of its incumbent held seats, and an average of 75% of its incumbent hold seats, rarely upsetting the opposition party in any seat and often losing a surprise or two in seats considered completely safe.