Basic introduction. Spreads, futures, totals. Terminology introduction.
World Cup Last 32 England vs DR Congo - My Pick
1% DR Congo +1.5 at 51c (good to 55c)
The story of England's World Cup so far has been early promise in their opening game against Croatia followed by a dull back down to Earth in their next two games against Ghana and Panama. Despite Thomas Tuchel's team qualifying for the World Cup without conceding a single goal in the process, there was a sense of uneasiness about England this time, not because they lacked talent, both at squad and managerial level, but rather because still nobody quite knows who England are. Gareth Southgate resigned after losing the Euro 2024 final after another campaign where England were very solid at the back but lacking the ability to raise the temperature of the game and find a cutting edge in high pressure situations. Thomas Tuchel was hired to bring in some of the methods that worked for successful club teams, but club methods require the ability to assemble the right players and work with them weak in and ...
First, four factors dictate whether there is major turnover in the Senate in a midterm election independent of the favorability of the Senate map (due to only one-third of seats being up in any given midterm). Often, as was the case in both 2018 and 2022, is that incumbents are not destined to lose seats, outside of realigning elections in unfavorable maps. This cycle's map favors the GOP, which is why the prediction markets and most forecasters expect a GOP majority in the 2027 Senate. The four factors that prove dangerous to the incumbent party are: first, a recession or cost of living crisis; second, a war; third, a major scandal; and fourth, a sense of betrayal in the voter group that backed the incumbent amongst some portion of their prior electoral coalition. Five midterms feature some combingation of those factors in some significant degree: 1930, 1946, 1958, 1974 and 2006.
Without those factors present in multiple forms, the incumbent party can expect to hold on to seats in states it previously won outside the national margin. When those factors are present, the landscape shifts dramatically. Examining those White House incumbent seats that showed a state-wide election decided by single digits in the prior decade produces the following probabilities: the incumbent White House party lost at least 67% of its incumbent held seats, as much as 85% of its incumbent held seats, and an average of 75% of its incumbent hold seats, rarely upsetting the opposition party in any seat and often losing a surprise or two in seats considered completely safe.